In other to follow the trend of my discussion of Sharia law, I recommend reading the two previous articles that I wrote on Sharia published by Nigeriaworld.com: Sharia Law and Nigeria Unity and Senators in Dilemma over Sharia Law.

Quite a large percentage of Nigerians believe that the Nigerian Government patronage of Islam through its policies was not good for Nigeria. However, Zamfara State is leading other northern states in this direction, which is creating negative reactions from the Nigerian public, more so on Government religious policies. Tempers have been flying all over Nigeria asking why Obasanjo is not responding to the Sharia issue. Obasanjo is a calculated soldier. He is applying that approach to the subject. Obasanjo is siting on an explosion. He has to systematically disengage the explosive wires. The explosion has been in place for a long time. We need to be cautious like I warned in my first piece, what we know, as Nigeria today may soon be something of the past.

I believe that, if there is one thing which is so openly essential for ensuring and forging a national cohesion, it is to separate the Nigerian State clearly and unambiguously from religion and ensuring that its functions are to protect the right of citizens to practice the religious belief of their choice.

In African traditional society, religion is a rallying factor, and whoever is the paramount ruler is both a political ruler of his community as well as the chief priest. This practice is particularly noticeable among the Yoruba, where the Oba is referred to as "Igbakeji Orisa" (next in rank to God), and he is also "Olori Awon Aworo" (leader among the priests). This suggests that the Oba is both a political head and a religious leader; therefore, religion is inextricably mixed with government, and in this dual capacity the Oba keeps the community together.

Christianity was founded on the teachings of Jesus Christ, based on the Old Testament Jewish religion. The Christian Gospel (Good News) asserts that salvation for mankind generally can only be achieved through faith in God through Jesus Christ, the only begotten son of God (one of the Holy Trinity) as the universal savior whose death by crucifixion and resurrection serve as atonement for man's sins and a means of facilitating reconciliation with God..

However, Christianity, as brought down to Nigerians, makes a distinction between Church and State. While church leaders are free to speak for or against Government policies, the Christian churches are not directly involved in politics. Admittedly, interdenominational rivalries sometimes manifest themselves in political terms, but such manifestations are temporary and have not tended to produce permanent political alignments one way or the other.

Islam is based on belief in the unity of God (Tawhid). This repudiates plurality of God in whatever form. "There is no God but Allah" is the usual Moslem slogan, which is also strengthened by the Holy Quranic declaration: "He is Allah, the one, Allah the eternally besought of all. He begotteth not nor was he begotten. And there is none comparable to Him." Violators are called kafirs (unbelievers) against whom the Jihad should be waged. Jihad has been interpreted to mean various things over the years. Initially, it was the general belief that Jihad was a Holy War against the unbelievers; i.e., to take up arms and fight for the cause of Islam, as done by Usman dan Fodio, the man who spread the faith in Nigeria in 1804. Ahmadu Bello, the Sardauna of Sokoto, claimed to descend from him. The belief is that, if a Moslem kills someone or a Moslem is killed for the cause of Islam, he will go to heaven. Nowadays, Jihad has been interpreted to mean the use of various methods in all their ramifications to convert the unbelievers through persuasion, enticement, patronage, etc.

Islam makes no distinction between mosque and State. Indeed, the religion lays down the law as to how Moslems should be governed. Herein lies the Nigerian problem where there are large numbers of Moslems. Although Nigeria was ruled by Britain, it allowed Nigerians to follow whichever religion they wanted. Islam has, of course, played a significant role in Nigerian politics. Because of the nature of the religion, it has affected the nature of leadership and followership, and hence political behavior in the northern part of Nigeria. Because Islam specifies that its adherents have to live under Sharia (Islamic Law), the Islamic judicial system exists in the northern states where Islam has dictated the social behavior of the people for centuries.

In nutshell, one comes to realize that the three religions do not make much distinction between politics and religion. Even Christianity, which seemed to be aloof from the political process, is getting involved. However, Nigerian experience has indicated that the political leadership is incapable of keeping religion and politics completely apart. In the religious web that the Nigerian Government designed for itself, it will be very difficult to anger the religious caucuses.

Because of the prominence of religion as a political instrument, successive governments in Nigeria involved themselves neck-deep in religious matters. By the time Nigeria obtained her independence in 1960, it was obvious how varying religious persuasions would play a determinant factor in the political destiny of the nation, as demonstrated by the Sharia issue. However, religion has become an inalienable factor in the new Nigerian politics, being used to stamp the ruler's authority and acceptability.

The erstwhile traditional Nigerian philosophy of life was characteristically tolerant and accommodating. Felicitations and celebrations during religious holidays, such as Christmas and the Id-el-Kabir, cut across religious lines. People of different religions have lived and worked together for years in offices, as tenants in houses, and have even intermarried. However, this trend is changing rapidly as people feel insecure in places other than their homeland, which might be due to religious intolerance, ethnicity, and politicking.

I would argue that religious intolerance had its roots during the Constituent Assembly's debate in 1977 and continued till today. Alhaji Umaru Dikko, during the 1977 Constituent Assembly debate, complained that: "The Moslems in Nigeria . . . have suffered so much discrimination." Alhaji Gana stated that: "We cannot change them [the Sharia Courts] even if the heaven falls." And Alhaji Abba threatened that; "If you do not give it [Sharia] to us here, we are going to get it somewhere else. We are going to go round." That is exactly what they are doing now. Finally, Alhaji Abubakar wanted his other members of the Constituent Assembly to believe that: "The Christian religion is by no means inferior to the Islamic religion."

Religious intolerance assumed alarming dimensions in the 1980s. It was first the Maitatsine uprising, which unleashed cold-blooded onslaughts initially on orthodox Moslems, whom they felt, were not puritanical enough. After his death, his followers turned against non-Moslems, possibly as a spillover from the Sharia issue. It was actually the beginning of active politicization of religion, to the detriment of national security. (See my previous piece on this subject: Sharia Law and Nigeria Unity)

These ethno-religious riots in Nigeria are conclusive evidence that the country has a sectarian problem. The concern amongst most Nigerians is that religious disharmony may prove to be the greatest stumbling block to Nigeria's unity and development. However, the Government, on the outbreak of religious riots, set up Commissions of Inquiry to find out the cause and courses of the riots, and prescribed solutions to avoid future recurrences. The public did not know whatever happened to the Commissions' recommendations.

Nonetheless, the slow pace of Government action to curtail the uprising, and the government inaction (policy) in the implementation of the Aniagolu's recommendations, might have been responsible for the outbreak of other subsequent religious uprisings. I believe that, more often than not, aspiring political leaders laid and still lay more emphasis on psychological exploitation of the people's religious affiliations than on the logicality and practicability of their manifestos, based on their individual credibility and merit. Is Sharia the only way of improving the spiritual part of humanity?

Aniagolu's Tribunal realized the dangers involved in the Government involvement in religious affairs, and recommended that:

The government must refrain from exhibiting any attitude of special patronage or show of preference or favor to any particular religious groups or leaders.. They also have a duty to ensure a fair and even distribution of the nation's media resources to enable all shades of accredited religious opinions wishing to reach the people to do so provided that they conform to existing regulations.

The extensive Government funding of religious organizations continued and was encouraged on a large scale by the military administrations of General Mohammed/Obasanjo (1975-79), General Buhari (1983-85), and General Babangida (1985 to present, 1993), during President Shagari's administration (1979-83), as well as Abacha's.

The Government patronage of a particular religion took on other dimensions. President Shagari created a Committee on Islamic Affairs and placed it under the Presidency. The public opinion about this new creation was not favorable, especially from other religious groups who queried such an apparent violation of the secularity of Nigeria. The opposition demanded the revocation of the policy or the establishment of similar Committees for other religions under the Presidency. Due to the public protest over the establishment of the Ministry of Religion, the decision was rescinded. From that point on, Nigerians had become actively polarized on the religious factor. President Shagari aggravated the controversy by making a grant of N10 million (about $15 million) for the construction of a mosque at the new Federal Capital, Abuja. It was reliably learned that a similar grant was not made available to any other religious groups, especially Christians who vehemently demanded equal treatment, until about a decade later under a different regime, when the value of the Naira had drastically deteriorated. The Traditionalists were left out of this funding of religious groups in Nigeria.

Another area of Government policy involved the issuance of legislation or decrees regulating religious activities and assemblies. For instance, in 1985 the Lagos State Government issued an edict forbidding religious assemblies outside registered worship centers in the wake of violent religious riots in the northern States. However, such edicts might become a problem or partisan if the Government decided to punish other religious groups not favored by the ruling Government

The Aniagolu's Tribunal revealed the discriminate allocation of time for airing religious programs over the public radio and television. In some cases, Christians complained of no airing time for their programs in the northern States. In December 1985, it was alleged that the New Nigerian newspaper, owned by the Federal Government of Nigeria, sponsored a nationwide debate on Sharia in the southern States and a work-free Friday for Moslems. The New Nigerian editorial concluded that the two issues of Sharia and work-free Fridays for Moslems were those they could "no longer ignore." Also, its then Managing Director, Mallam Mohammed Haruna, on the occasion of the inauguration of the newspaper's Board of Directors, said in an interview at the News Agency of Nigeria that: "The New Nigerian would continue to fight for the introduction Sharia laws in all parts of the country." The New Nigerian's sister publication, "Gaskiya Ta Fi Kwabo" (Truth is Worth More Than a Penny) was found not to publish any other religious-related news except concerning Islam, whereas these newspapers were funded by the Government.

It was also alleged that the Nigerian Television Authority deliberately refused to air Christian programs and advertisements. In Kano State, for instance, it was alleged that: "Only 30 minutes in a week are devoted to Christian programs as opposed to thirteen hours per week for Islamic programs."

My primary concern here is that these media sources were supported or funded with the public taxes, and as such I believe that the religious groups should be given equal access to the public service. The National Concord newspaper can publish anything it pleases in defense of Sharia because a private Nigerian citizen owns it. In effect, no one could raise an eyebrow at whatever the Concord newspaper chose to publish.

Another area of concern is the annual legal year ceremony. Since 1910, the ceremony has been marked in the Anglican Church with the Chief Justices of the Federation and other States in attendance, regardless of their religious affiliations. Since the Government polarized people on religious lines, the practice has been interpreted as an imposition of a Christian practice on the Moslems, which they resisted. On September 6, 1982, it was celebrated in the mosque, as the then Chief Justice, Justice Atanda Fatai Williams, was a Moslem. Thence, it marked the beginning of setting the ceremony in either church or mosque, depending on the religion of the Chief Justice.

One of the most sensitive aspects of Government patronage of the ruling elite's religion is the Government appointment. Why do you think the northerners were furious at the on set of Obasanjo's regime over the appointment of Christians? As mentioned, Nigeria is a religiously and ethnically plural society. In effect, each section selfishly advocates and expects adequate representation. A problem with this aspect is the use of religion and not merit to obtain any Government position or promotion. In order to be able to assess the Government use of religion for political positions, a rundown of each administration's ministers and members of the military ruling council, and some of their policies, will be pertinent to the discussion.

General Gowon, a Christian, who was overthrown in May 1975, had 58% Christians and 42% Moslems in his Federal Executive Council. The Supreme Military Council, which was the governing body had 72% Christians and 28% Moslems. I might argue that the Head of State, General Gowon, as a Christian, favored Christians in his cabinet choice. The Islamic Study Group of Nigeria alleged that Gowon " . . . first introduced Nigeria to O.I.C." because Nigeria became an observer during his administration.

General Murtala Mohammed came to power in May 1975 through a coup d'�tat, and was hailed as a leader who gave Nigeria a sense of direction. Some of his policies on religious affairs substantiated the fact of his lean toward Islam. As a step toward "improving" the standards of the Nigerian education system, General Mohammed ordered the takeover of mission schools in the northern States with "immediate effect" (his trademark). What made his actions suspicious was the changing of the mission schools' names to Islamic instead of neutral names. It was alleged that the Queen of Apostles school in Kaduna was renamed the Queen Amina College. Queen Amina was a Moslem warrior who led men in her conquest of the Zazzau Emirate. St. John's College, in Kaduna, was renamed Rimi College. The Sardauna Memorial College, taken over from Islam, was left as it was. Christian chapels were converted to assembly halls, and mosques were raised in the schools at Government expense.

During his short tenure, General Mohammed undertook a pilgrimage to Mecca, accompanied by Colonel Ibrahim Taiwo, the Kwara State Military Governor. It was believed that the Nigerian flag that was lowered during General Gowon's regime was raised in Saudi Arabia. The list of his Federal Executive Council members indicates that he had 40% Moslems and 60% Christians, an improvement over Gowon's choice. Some of his policies might favor Islam, but his choice of Commissioners did not reflect that assertion.

Lt. Gen. Olusegun Obasanjo, a Christian, took over the Nigerian Government affairs when Mohammed was assassinated in the bloody abortive coup of February 1976. His Commissioner's list had 58% Christians, 42% Muslims. Could I argue that Obasanjo favored his religion in the appointment of his Council members? However, there was no major policy on religious matters during his tenure except with the issue of the Federal Sharia Court of Appeal, which was passed over to the elected legislative body, the Constituent Assembly. The issue was controversial and Obasanjo's interference saved the Assembly's "sudden death. (See Sharia Law and Nigeria Unity, on Nigeriaworld.com).

Members of Obasanjo's Supreme Military Council remained constant throughout his administration. There were 52% Christians and 48% Moslems.

Obasanjo led Nigeria to the civilian regime popularly referred to as the Second Republic through an election in which Alhaji Shehu Shagari of the National Party of Nigeria was declared the winner. There were 61 Ministers in Shagari's administration, of which 39% were of cabinet rank, 28% were not of the cabinet rank, and 35% were the Presidential Liaison Officers.

Religion was fairly handled by Shagari's administration, at least in the first 3 years in office. Another important point was that 58% ministers were Moslems. Christian-appointed ministers throughout Shagari's administration controlled 29%. Both Christians and Moslems, which were, evenly controlled the remaining 13%: Water Resources, Science and Technology, and Police Affairs. The general opinion was that the ministries controlled by the Moslems were of greater strategic importance in the nation's Government.

The Military made a comeback on December 31, 1983, and Shagari was forced out of power barely 2 months into his second term as civilian President. Major General Buhari and Major General Idiagbon became the de facto leaders of Nigeria, with an ideology of War Against Indiscipline (WAI). It is only fair to argue that they fought WAI without fear or favor. Nonetheless, discipline, sanity, accountability, and common sense were returning to Nigeria at a fast rate. However, they ran into trouble with the press and traditional powers, and the greed for power brought in General Babangida in August 1985. Their ministerial list reveals that General Buhari had 50% as Christian ministers and 39% as Moslems, and both Christians and Moslems controlled the remaining 11%.

Members of the Supreme Military Council for the 2-year regime remained unchanged. There were 56% Moslems and 44% Christians in the Supreme Military Council of Buhari. As mentioned, the lust for power ushered General Babangida into the apex of Nigerian Government. He came in with a lame excuse of human rights abuses by Buhari.

Quite a number of policies on religious matters were taken during Babangida's administration, especially with the OIC, while the burning of churches became the order of the day at the outbreak of religious riots in the northern States. Other issues included the Nigerian-Israeli diplomatic relations, the Federal Sharia Court of Appeal and the establishment of Sharia Courts in the southern States, the controversial throne of the Sultan of Sokoto, and the selling of Nigeria to the OIC. Babangida has been accused of polarizing public service along religious lines, thus earning himself such names as President, Maradona, and Dribbler, because no one could predict him. He was believed to have politicized religion in Nigeria, especially with his major religious policies. . On the OIC issue, someone opined that: "The President [Babangida] should be held solely responsible if a religious conflict grips Nigeria today, because Nigerians are aware that the OIC decision was taken single-handedly by the President.

IBB played on Nigerian mentality in the appointment of his Ministers, in 1986 55% Christians, 45% Moslems; 1987 50% each; 1988 45% Christians, 55% Moslems, 1990 42% Christians, 58% Moslems. In summary 68% of ministers were Moslems and 38% were Christians, ministries that Chief Umeadi referred to as yeye ministries.

Babangida's members of the Armed Forces Ruling Council comprised of 52% Moslems and 48% Christians in 1986; 59% Moslems and 41% Christians in 1987; 54% Moslems and 46% Christians in 1988; 63% Moslems and 37% Christians in 1989; and 57% Moslems and 43% Christians in 1990. There was not much difference between the Moslem and Christian members in the Armed Forces Ruling Council. You could see his Maradona style in the handling of this subject. Nonetheless, his policies leaned toward religious favoritism.

Abacha's records were there for the public to see.

However, the Nigerian Government became strongly involved in pilgrimages, which thus became politicized. Initially, only Nigerian Moslems embarked on pilgrimages to Mecca and Medina. Due to Government financial support of the Moslem pilgrimage, the Christians asked for similar aid in performing pilgrimage to Jerusalem and Rome, from where Christianity had originated. Obviously, in the course of time, Traditional Religion adherents would ask the Government to finance their festivals.

The use of Arabic inscriptions on some public properties was considered to be another process in Islamizing Nigeria. It engulfed the fear of religious groups other than Islam that the Government was ready to make Nigeria an Islamic State. The current (1993) six Nigerian banknote (N50, N20, N10, N5, N1, and 50K) have Arabic/Islamic inscriptions on the front of the notes.

The N50 note has four people on the front, which I might interpret to represent (from the left) a Yoruba, a woman, a Hausa, and an Igbo. The Arabic inscription on the note states "Naera Hamuseena" (in Arabic, N50). The N20 note bears the picture of General Murtala Mohammed, who was assassinated in an abortive coup in 1976. The Arabic inscription, which is also in the Hausa language, says "Naera Hashireen" (meaning N20). The N10 note's inscription, with the picture of Alva Ikoku, reads "Naera Gomo" (N10).. The inscription is in both Arabic and Hausa. The N5 note shows the picture of Alhaji Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, the Nigerian first Prime Minister. "Naera Biyari" means N5. Biyari is a Hausa word written in Arabic. The N1 note, with Herbert Macaulay's picture on the front, bears the Arabic inscription, "Naera Daya" (N1). The inscription is used in both Hausa and Arabic. The 50K note bears a photograph of the Nigerian Central Bank building and the inscription, "Kobo Hamuseen" (50K).

My investigation revealed that the use of Arabic inscriptions began in 1953 with the British Colonial administration. Some believed that David's Crest was used on the one and halfpennies. Ironically, no one has an answer as to the reasons for the use of Arabic words and David's Crest on the notes, the early form of Nigerian currency.

Given the fact that the Arabic inscriptions have no intended religious or offensive connotations, I might ask what historical connections the Naira has with either the Arabic language or Islam. I believe that the Babangida administration's open display of religious favoritism brought the Arabic issue into public awareness, as some of the Nigerian Central Bank officials were not aware of the Arabic inscriptions on the Nigerian currencies in the early 1990s. The Government's continuous use of Arabic inscriptions on Nigerian banknote seems to disregard the feelings of other ethnic groups who do not speak Hausa or read the Arabic language, or-to a greater extent-all other religious groups whose beliefs differ from that of Islam. Furthermore, the Constitution does not recognize Arabic as a national language. The Federal institutions in the northern States (Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria; Bayero University, Kano; University of Sokoto; and the University of Maiduguri) have Islamic or Arabic signs and writings on their entrance gates.. The logo of Bayero University consists of just the moon crescent and the star, which are universally acknowledged as the symbol of Islam. There is the use of Arabic on the Nigerian Army logo as well. I believe that the use of such inscriptions made other religious groups in the North very suspicious of the Government's intent to impose Islam on the people, hence the fight by other religious groups to see that the Sharia Law should not be established in Nigeria.

On the West African Currency Board Notes, I found these inscriptions; Twenty shillings, 1948-52. Sule Ashreen (twenty shillings) 1953-64; Pan Daya (one pound), 1958-64; Sule Goma (ten shillings), 1958-64; Sule Biyar (five shillings), 1958-64.

On the Federation of Nigeria Currency, 1965-72: I found also; Pan Daya (one pound), 1965-67; Sule Goma (ten shillings), 1965-67; Sule Biyar (five shillings), 1965-67; Pan Biyar (five pounds), 1968-72; Pan Daya (one pound), 1968-72; Sule Goma (ten shillings), 1968-72; Sule Biyar (five shillings), 1968-72; Whereas there was nothing like that in our coins such as: 2 shillings; 1 shilling; 6 pence; 3 pence; 1 penny; and 1/2 penny.

The Early Forms of Currency in Nigeria to those interested were Brass rod and copper wire; Cowries and Manillas; "Kissy" penny.

The other aspect, which aroused public fury and concern over the Sharia, was the public holidays granted by the Government. Successive Governments in the past made it a duty to grant public holidays, made public statements, and engaged in making material provisions on festival days of both Christians and Moslems, with the exclusion of the African Traditional religious groups. While this practice may be seen as an ordinary good gesture, it nevertheless portrayed an active interrelationship between the Government and religion

The use of religious holidays had been politicized. However, it thus created a competition between Christians and Moslems on the number of religious festivals to be so declared by the Government. In effect, public holidays could be used as factors of instability. Would the Government be able to incorporate the Traditional African religious groups' festivals, such as Oro, Alagemo, Ogun, Epa, Iro, Egungun, Osun-among others, as public holidays at the expense of Nigerian economy and unity? This is one of the typical areas where the Government has entangled itself in religious matters, and thus made the public suspicious of steps taken by the Government to get the passage of the Sharia.

However, the Government response to the Nigerian membership of the OIC was that Nigeria was one of the founding member nations of OIC and that other secular African countries were members of the OIC. The decision for Nigeria to join the OIC was believed to have been taken unilaterally by Babangida. Defending the Government action, Sheik Gumi wrongly stated that even Kenya had joined the OIC. Furthermore, Rilwanu Lukman, Petroleum Minister (who led the Nigerian delegation to Morocco when Nigeria became a member in 1986), stated that: "Joining the OIC does not make Nigeria an Islamic State as it did not make other member States like Gabon, Cameroon, Benin, Sierra Leone, and a host of others."

Related in part to the OIC issue was the question of the Islamic Development Bank. It was believed that the bank would be able to bail out Nigeria from its economic woes through the interest-free loans. It has promised whooping $550m loans to Zamfara State. The OIC was capable of paying the colossal external indebtedness of Nigeria to the West.

The Islamic principle upheld in Sharia Law supporting "interest free loans" is called "riba," meaning the abolition of interest. This economic system falsely represents to provide interest free banking service, as being proposed in Zamfara State, with the huge loan coming from the Islamic Development Bank. This is only a delusion because a variety of other obligatory fees and hidden costs are required instead.

From the moment that Nigeria became a member of the OIC, the Nigerian-Israeli Association formed in 1989, which for many years had been propagandists of diplomatic relations with Israel, quickly sprang up. They called for Nigeria's renewal of diplomatic relations with Israel. The advocates saw their demands as an opportunity to balance for Christians what the OIC is for Moslems.

During Buhari's regime, two prominent traditional rulers-the Ooni of Ife, Oba Okunade Sijuade, and the Emir of Kano, Alhaji Ado Bayero- were publicly humiliated in August 1984 for their visit to Israel. They were suspended as Chairman of their respective State Councils of Traditional Rulers. Junaid Mohammed, a parliamentarian in the Second Republic of Nigeria (1979-1983) made reference to the feelings of the Moslems in Nigeria on how Israel had repeatedly: " . . . caused the desecration and, in fact, twice bombed and set fire to the Holy Al-Aqsa Mosque in Jerusalem. Al-Aqsa is Islam's third holiest shrine, coming only after the Kaaba Shrine in Mecca and Prophet Mohammed's Mausoleum in Medina."

All the facts presented above was also believed to be the backbone for the possible establishment of the Sharia Law.

We are aware of the fact that religion is essentially and primarily an individual affair. Some may argue that religion is a communal affair. However, I would assert that it is only in religious extremism that domination, discrimination, and persecution is placed, as discussed by Babangida's administration. Nonetheless, I allude to the fact that the ethics of each religion demand love, peace, justice, and tolerance of other people and religions. In the quest for personal political gains, individual religious leaders and a handful of politicians exploited the underprivileged masses. In effect, the ruling elite uses religious sentiments to polarize the people and create unnecessary and unhealthy tension. As pointed out in my first piece, Sharia Law and Nigerian Unity, if Nigeria is to grow socially, politically, and economically, the politicization of religion must cease. I join other Nigerians to warn the Government to desist from actions and policies which directly or indirectly violate the Constitutional secularity of Nigeria.

Nigerian past leaders (1975-90) had adjudicated between these various religious groups in Nigeria as the "Official" State religion. Quite unfortunately, religion had been added to the already ethnic divisions in the Nigerian political process. I believe that this is a salient food-for-thought for Nigerian leaders and those who have the best interests and the love of the nation at heart. The Nigerian National Anthem, in part, clearly requests: "O God of creation, direct our noble cause, guide thou our leaders right . . . to build a nation where peace and justice reign. so that, .The labour of our heroes past shall never be in vain."