FEATURE ARTICLE

Ubanese NwangangaMonday, December 28, 2015
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Cape Town, South Africa

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THE FAULT IS IN US, NOT IN OUR STARS

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his essay is a response to Femi Fani-Kayode on his recent very interesting outing entitled, "The Caliphate, the Emir and Nigeria's Master Race." His under reference was in turn a reaction to an arrogant 1998 posting by the arrogant Emir of Kano, Sanusi Lamido Sanusi. I hasten to correct the wrong impression that Nigeria has a master race. Nigeria has no master race. What has made the Fulani to think that they are anointed to lord it over the rest of us is that the southerners have refused to close ranks. The Yoruba think their real enemy in Nigeria are Ndiigbo. Ndiigbo in turn consider the Yoruba untrustworthy. The Ijaw, Efik, Ibibio, Ogoja, Annang, Ekoi, would prefer to be drawers of water and hewers of wood for the Fulani. Even Ikwerre who are Igbo-speaking would prefer the Fulani. If it was possible for them to claim ancestry from Sokoto the Ikwerre would have since done so in order to distance themselves from their kit and kin so beautifully arranged by the Almighty God.

We often make the mistake of glossing over the attitude of the Christians and Muslims of the middle belt who want to be northerners when politics is the point at issue. When persecuted by the Fulani-led Muslim north, the Christians of the middle belt begin to look for help from south. Consider, for instance, the case of General Zamani Lekwot from Zango Kataf who was sentenced to death by IBB. Pressure against his execution was loudest from the south. But politically he was a northerner manipulated by the Fulani. We also gloss over the fact that the Fulani tolerate the Hausa when they have their eyes set on a national price. You can imagine what the former NSO boss said about the Hausa and Kanuri leaders, IBB and Abacha respectively, as quoted in Fani-Kayod's piece under reference! It speaks volumes.

While I can understand the subservient role of the Christian middle belt and the Hausa in matters of political self interest, the attitude of the two major nationalities in the south to the Fulani is difficult to understand. The Hausa benefit from aligning with the Fulani against the south for several reasons. Common names, religion and language, (The Fulani speak Hausa language although they have their own separate language, Fulfulde), provide them the juicy crumbs, which they think would elude them if they refuse to align with the Fulani manipulators. Even at that, this is intriguing because the Fulani constitute less 5% of Nigeria's population. Why are they able to manipulate the Hausa, who constitute more than 20% of Nigeria's population?

The Yoruba under Awo were progressives and did everything to move Nigeria in that direction. Awo refused to work with the feudal Fulani. He remained resolute in opposition to them. On the other hand, Zik's experience in the western house of assembly left lasting impression on him and his kinsmen, so much so that when Awo offered to work with him as a junior partner Zik turned it down in preference for a junior partner with the feudal Fulani. This is one of the origins of the lingering lack of understanding between the two major southern nationalities, which continues to sustain Fulani hegemony and arrogance of power in Nigeria.

I do not doubt the progressive nature of the Yoruba. But it appears it has being pushed too far recently. Yoruba's principled stand against feudalism and Awo's unflinching belief in education as the surest way of ridding society of ignorant men and women, I am afraid, might have been compromised all in the name of fighting corruption. The underlying reason however is the desire to regain lost ground in national political space. In spite of producing a President who received massive support from Ndiigbo, the loss of the position of Speaker of the House, which the PDP had zoned to the southwest, was considered marginalization by the Yoruba. Unfortunately, their anger was not directed at the appropriate quarters. It was an arrogant Fulani man who ganged up with some other members of the House to appropriate what was zoned to the Yoruba. Instead of blaming the Fulani or even President Jonathan, Yoruba anger was directed against Ndiigbo because some of the latter's sons had been willing horses on whose backs the arrogant Fulani rode to power. An Igbo man played the second fiddle and expectedly was elected Deputy Speaker. It is pertinent to note that the position of the SGF and Deputy Senate President had been zoned to the southeast. Besides, Jonathan, against all expectations appointed an Igbo officer Chief of Army Staff. So, even though some Yoruba members of the House voted against Hon. Akande, the Yoruba concluded that Ndiigbo had received more than their fair share in the Jonathan administration.

This was unfair. The Yoruba voted massively for President Jonathan. Ndiigbo also did. But he received the least number of votes from the northwest, where his main opponent, Muhammadu Buhari had his strongest showing. Notwithstanding, Jonathan appointed his NSA and Minister of Defence from there. He also retained the Comptroller General of Customs as well as the Inspector General of Police both of who were from the northwest. Add all these heavyweight positions to the positions of Speaker and Vice President. For voting against President Jonathan, the northwest got more than the zones that voted massively for him. Trust the Fulani!

According to the Yoruba President Jonathan had marginalized them. He had committed a serious sin by appointing an Igbo man Army Chief of Staff, a position, predominantly occupied by officers from the north since the end of the war. Of course, no matter what position you offer to the Fulani, their ultimate desire is the main thing: the office of the president.

There has been corruption in Nigeria since it was born. The coup plotters of 1966 complained against corruption. Murtala Mohammed railed against the monster when he seized power from General Gowon. Even Abacha condemned it. While talking tough against corruption, every past administration has had varying levels of it. If you have military background, as was OBJ, you can strongly condemn it in the morning but by noon you are neck deep into it. No matter who rules Nigeria, there will always be corruption. With no military background, it was not surprising that Jonathan's condemnation of corruption would not receive approval of the Nigerian populace, which had accepted anything military as the best. He was therefore seen as corruption in human form; after all, the buck stopped at his desk. In the new dispensation, we have "Wife of the President" instead of "First Lady." But she has full compliments of staff. The inexperienced young lady is gradual pushing herself into our political reckoning. Rose by any name will still smell rose. It is a matter of time.

With their progressive nature, the Yoruba were bound to move against President Jonathan, for which they are now playing the second fiddle to the Fulani feudal overlords that Awo fought against throughout his political career. I do not doubt them. But it does not matter to the Yoruba if the Fulani pocket all the important positions in the government. Their concern was and still is how to make Ndiigbo politically irrelevant. And they found a wonderful partner in President Buhari. I am sure the President concluded the allocation of ministerial positions before showing it to the VP. Why, if I may ask, are the Yoruba not qualified to hold the defense portfolio? The Yoruba did not bother about the fact that the Fulani had cornered all the sensitive security positions in the Nigerian military. The Chief of Defence Staff, in the Nigerian context, is a position reserved for a service chief from any of the three arms of the military, who is to be demoted. He is kicked upstairs, as they say. However, whatever the position, so long as Ndiigbo had none, the Yoruba are happy and satisfied.

I am sure Ndiigbo are planning a comeback, albeit to play the second fiddle role. Their ambition must be how to displace the Yoruba. They are not looking at the main thing. That is a no-go area. In the coming months I will not be surprised if prominent Igbo leaders, including governors begin to decamp to APC, just to make them available for the Fulani to use.

So, Brother Fani-Kayode, if you were in the position of the Fulani would you behave differently? If the prince chooses to walk behind the horse while the slave rides on, don't blame the lucky horse. In 2011, the combined votes of southsouth, southeast, southwest and north central zones gave Jonathan easy victory over Buhari. In 2015, the Yoruba claimed they had grievance against Jonathan whereas it had much to do with their rivalry with Ndiigbo. Jonathan's shortcomings in office, which were no worse than Obasanjo's, became the rallying point. Awoists found accommodation with feudalists. The fault, Brother Femi is in us and not in our stars. You and I made the Fulani the so-called Nigeria's 'master race.'

I am always yours without rancour.

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