t has been argued that multiplicity of ideas (read destroy black unity) is good for an evolving democracy like South Africa. Those at the forefront of this argument postulate that the hegemonic position of the ANC is a danger to the democratic and constitutional cohesion of South Africa. These analysis gained momentum when an uneducated shepherd boy, through the dint of hard work, fate and providence finds himself at the doorpost of the presidency and leadership of Africa's most industrialized country. For the privileged few and their bloated and unsustainable (see the fall of the greedy financial market speculators) black bourgeoisie, this ascendancy cannot be tolerated. As an observer of South Africa's political economy, I beg to differ. I understand the geometry of the logic of those whose historical mission is to annihilate a united black voice in a racially polarized South Africa.
Since political and economic apartheid ended officially in 1994, the ANC continues to explore constitutional means of bringing majority of blacks to the mainstream economy. These are people and constituencies that have been ravaged by centuries of colonization and outright discrimination simply on the basis of their colour. These attempts by the ANC has taken the shape of Broad Based Black Economic Empowerment BBBEE (Even here, white women are beneficiaries, the courts says Chinese are blacks), social grants and other developmental approaches meant to lessen the economic and social despoliation experienced by blacks. The ANC is confronted and opposed at every turn by forces that are poised to maintain the status quo ante.
Any policy formulation and implementation that would bring about a total shift in the conditions of majority of the citizens of this country will have no way of succeeding if there are splinter black voices. It is surprising and even ironic that the white opposition party and their supporters in the media who are championing the destruction of the ANC have remained monolithic in their voices and choices of political leadership and cover. With an overwhelming majority in parliament, the ANC is hamstrung to deliver the real goods to its people due to the uncooperative and evading attitude of white capital. The commodity and property boom of the late 1990s and early part of this century benefited this minority.
This has further entrenched its economic dominance and fuelled its arrogance. The peripheral touch-up of few blacks economically is as a result of the fear of social upheaval. This swart gevaar (black threat) is thus responsible for the détente that currently prevails, where the affluent minority reluctantly, but minutely supports projects and programmes that address black poverty at superficial level. As long as their core capital and privileges are not threatened, it is ok.
Former President Thabo Mbeki is a statesman that understands the ethos of democratic governance. When the wise men and women of the National Executive Council of the ANC felt it was time to go, he obeyed like a true democrat. After all, South Africa, unlike Africa's biggest and wayward democracy, Nigeria, does not operate an imperial presidency, even though President Mbeki sometimes behaved like one. It was under his rein that South Africa became a respected and responsible member of the international comity of nations.
For Mbeki, South Africa could not be prosperous in the sea of poverty that engulfed the African continent, unless Africa became the centerpiece of its foreign policy. Some would however argue that he failed to check the excessive and discriminatory practices of South Africa companies doing businesses on the continent. Others would point to his failure to deal decisively with the recent xenophobic attack on foreign blacks.
Mbeki argued tirelessly for the nations of the North to treat Africa and Africans with decency. He piloted alongside Nigeria's General Obasanjo an economic blueprint for Africa. He reasoned that in negotiating with powerful partners of the North, Africa needed to speak with one voice. Little wonder Africans and friends of Africa rose in his defence when French president Nicholas Sarkozy sarcastically questioned Mbeki's knowledge of African politics. Mbeki dreamt of the day (I hope he still does) when political violence would cease on the soil of Africa and its peoples become prosperous.
So when blacks in the affluent and comfortable suburbs in South Africa join their white liberals to call for the destruction of the ANC, they forget one important lesson. Whatever they have acquired is a consequent of a dominant, but united black voice led admirably by the ANC. Therefore it has to be supported to continue to play this role. Real distribution of wealth in South Africa lies squarely in the ability of a dominant, strong, and articulate black voice to pile the pressure on privilege minority white capital. Those calling for a splinter spoil the effort to radically transform the baleful conditions of majority of the people. I am supremely confident that President Mbeki will not support the revisionist politics of the belly of his henchmen who cannot come to terms with loosing the levers of power. Indeed, since blacks do not own the means of production nor control capital, the only access to resources is moderated by the state through positions in government, tenders, and other forms of contracts.
The fear of the inability of the so called Mbeki loyalists to continue to dole out patronage is what has brought the ANC to this point of near precipice. The rebels, led by the former Defense Minster Mosinua Lekota must go back home and join hands with their comrades in addressing black poverty. Should they decide to break away, history will judge them harshly. When top leaders of the ANC such as Cyril Ramaphosa, Tokyo Sexwale and Matthews Phosa were accused of high treason, those crying dictatorship of the current leadership coalesced around Mbeki. In a typical undemocratic set-up, these gentlemen would have been hanged for plotting to overthrow President Mbeki. Who can also forget the infamous Browse Report which targeted ANC president Jacob Zuma? The criminal authors of the report had alleged Zuma was receiving foreign funding to overthrown the government of President Mbeki.
Whatever the outcome of this political feuding, the ANC is still eminently positioned to carry on. The truth is the African majority will ultimately understand that those engaged in this act of political witchcraft are pathologically dishonest. Just as the coalition of the wounded gathered around Zuma after he was fired for alleged graft, people are beginning to appreciate that the practitioners of politics of the belly are hovering around President Mbeki's legitimacy and credibility to develop a platform to hold on the levers of power through the back door. As long as the commanding heights of the South African economy is not open to democratization, leaders and supporters of the break away will been seen as perpetuating the economic dictatorship of the minority.
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