FEATURE ARTICLE

Ben OkoloSunday, May 25, 2008
ben_simonokolo@yahoo.co.uk
Johannesburg, South Africa

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XENOPHOBIC ATTACKS IN SOUTH AFRICA
- REFLECTION OF ETHNIC AND RELIGIOUS CONFLICTS IN NIGERIA

May 11 2008 will go down in South Africa's history as the day its dirty linens were hung out in public for the whole world to see. That was the day the xenophobic attacks that has been making international headlines erupted. Of course before then, there has been attacks targeted against black non South Africans, but the government have been able to mop up such attacks and contain them from spreading or making international media headlines. Equally, the government has never done anything to stem the attacks from being replicated in other provinces or to protect the victims and potential victims of such attacks.


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The world has risen in condemnation of these recent attacks, expressing shock that a country which got the level of assistance it got from African nations, notably the frontline states + Nigeria should be embroiled in such shameful acts. Moreover, South Africa's constitution is reputed to be the most liberal in Africa, if not the world, offering protection to all through its Bill of Rights provisions, and declaring that South Africa belongs to all who live in it. The Nigerian government and the people of Nigeria of course stood up to be counted amongst those condemning this apparent primitive behaviour. While we are all caught up in the bandwagon of condemnation, it should also be a time of reflection for Nigeria. Nigerians have taken the high moral ground to proclaim that such thing can never happen in their country - that foreigners are always made welcome - this of course is true to a very great extent. But how integrated and welcome are Nigerians within the country, especially across ethnic lines?

The question we might want to ponder is, whether there is any real difference between targeting non-citizens as we have seen in South Africa and targeting people based on their ethnic or religious differences as we have continuously witnessed in Nigeria. The events in the Southern African nation can be likened to what the Nigerian nation has repeatedly faced - ethnic and religious influenced conflicts. From the pogroms of the Igbo in northern Nigeria in 1958 through the civil war of 1967-1970s, the same theme of ethnic hatred has continued to emerge. The anti-Christian disturbances that litter the history of post civil war Nigeria is also evident to this culture of intolerance of the "other" that has permeated our psyche. The most alarming of these disturbances of course was that associated with the cartoon by a Danish newspaper of Prophet Mohammed (Peace be unto Him). Islamic fundamentalists in the north of Nigeria rose against the Christians - notably the Igbo - as if they had anything to do with the cartoon. The death toll that resulted from this ignominy especially as the Christian Igbo population in the East of Nigeria rose in retaliation is in their thousands, talk less of those internally displaced.

In fact, one can argue can that the attack by Nigerians on fellow Nigerians in the name of ethnicity and religious differences is far worse than what is being witnessed in SA currently. After all, we are "One Nigeria". Why the South African experience has drawn such international condemnation is due to its affecting citizens of other states and the media dimension to it. If there was a media blanket as there used to be during the dark days of military dictatorship in Nigeria, such international condemnation would have been lacking. Herbert Ekwe-Ekwe posits that the inaction by the Nigerian state and the international community to bring to book the authors of the Igbo genocide has led to its repeat in various forms across the Nigerian state and other parts of Africa. While it may be politically difficult to bring those that authored the Igbo genocide to justice now - and some of them are still alive - the government of Nigeria may want to toe the route of a Truth and Reconciliation Commission. It is not late to reopen the wounds in order that they may be cleansed and heal properly. The Truth and Reconciliation should be aimed at addressing principally what happened to the 3.1 million Igbo civilian population during the civil war and also, the deep-seated hatred and mistrust that continue to fester in the Nigerian polity.

The xenophobic attacks in South Africa should be an eye opener to the leaders of Nigeria that the manipulation of the gullible to attack those whom they perceive as different is not just about nationalities - after all, Nigeria is made up of different nations. While different theories have been posited for being responsible for the attacks in SA, one thing is clear, that those carrying out the physical attacks are the downtrodden of the society. They are those who are dissatisfied with the government's policies - these policies as it concerns the poor are nothing more than the provision of the basic necessities of life - food, clothing and shelter. However, we must be quick to point out that such violence targeted against their black brothers and sisters does not in any way make sense. In fact those they initially targeted are at the same social ladder with them. It could be that during the election campaigns, the government in power had made sweet promises of transforming their lives, many years down the line, these promises were not kept, and the government did not deem it necessary to communicate with these people on why there are delays in fulfilment. This still does not excuse the attacks. This therefore should serve as a wake up call to the Nigerian government especially as it affects the issue of provision of the basic necessities.

While the Nigerian populace may not attack non Nigerian blacks, the frustration of life especially in these days of global rise in food prices is enough to spark the tinder box. We must remember that part of why the northerners carried out its 1958 pogrom against the Igbo was because of the perception that the Igbo was entrenched in the civil service and business sphere in that region. When we compare it to the surface reasons of why the black migrant population in South Africa were attacked, it is basically for the same reason - that the black migrants were dispossessing them of their jobs, houses and women. It could even be argued that there are attacks against foreigners, though not against our black brothers and sisters in Nigeria. The kidnapping of the oil foreign workforce amounts to attack on foreigners. However, knowing that such attacks are not accompanied with violence, it will not be seen in the same mode with what is presently being experienced in SA.

What the Nigerian government would also take from this situation is the need to have in place an early warning mechanism. This will help it avert serious conflicts and nip them in the bud. The involvement of Community Organisations, Civil Society Organisations and the Non Governmental Organisations in enlightenment and education of the populace on the need for peaceful coexistence must be a major part of the priorities of such organisations.

The de-emphasis on ethnicity and state of origin in the bureaucracy of the country should be one of the avenues through which the government will start checking this officially sanctioned ethnic division. Maybe, it is time for the National Assembly to reconsider the proposal made earlier by the National Association of Seadogs (Pyrates Confraternity) to it on a bill titled National Integration Anti-Ethnicism Bill 2002, where it advocated for the integration and indigenisation of Nigerians and foreigners into states and communities where they reside, carry business or married within the country.

The government might also want to revisit the issues facing those that over the decades of Nigerian existence were displaced from their homes, businesses, and jobs through scores of violence both ethnic/religious and state sponsored. The government should equally address the structural causes of the conflicts witnessed in Nigeria, as it is not enough to treat the symptoms of such conflicts in order to forestall such from happening again. As the Nigerian government is pursuing a foreign policy anchored on citizens' diplomacy, its domestic policy should be made to mirror that of the foreign policy.

Ben Okolo is a Doctoral Fellow at the Centre for Africa's International Relations at the University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, South Africa

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